If unlawful killings by police are prosecuted while unlawful killings of police are ignored, the law becomes partisan. If mob killings are investigated while state killings are diluted, the law becomes cynical.
This government came to power with a democratic mandate. But it risks squandering it. City administrations must look neutral. International crimes prosecutions must feel independent. And the central bank must signal credibility beyond politics.
When it comes to the central bank governor, optics are everything. If he is perceived to be the government's man, then no one will have the necessary faith in him, and he will fail before he even starts.
If the BNP's goal had been to signal to the Bangladeshi people that everything their adversaries say about them is true, that nothing has changed from the time they were last in office 20 years ago, that they remain exactly the same party of cronyism, corruption, and contempt for public opinion, they could not have done a better job.
Keeping interest rates artificially low is a recipe for disaster. We have been here before -- not even too long ago -- and we know how this story ends. It won't be pleasant for anyone, least of all the newly-elected government.
If Bangladesh treats artificial intelligence simply as another digital tool, it risks falling behind in a world where advantage increasingly rests on capability and commodified intelligence rather than labour alone.
Calling it fascism narrows our field of vision. It directs us toward interwar Europe -- uniforms, total mobilization, ideological conquest -- when our own trajectory resembles something different.
By erecting solar canopies over these historic arteries, we can generate thousands of megawatts of clean energy while providing the shade necessary to preserve our water levels. Beneath these canopies, the state must build structured aquaculture systems, renting them back to local farmers.
The absence of any election recounts, with requests allegedly refused, will allow grievances to fester
No one can predict exactly what Bangladesh's constitutional architecture will look like by year's end. The process will be messy, contentious, and imperfect. But the direction is clear. Two-thirds of voters have chosen a path away from capricious rule toward a system where power is tempered.
Tarique Rahman can do what Sheikh Hasina would not: trust the Parliament he leads. Let it examine the Yunus era, line by line. Keep what works. Amend what can be saved. In that sequence, through that process, a course will emerge.
The question now is not only how America will wield its power, but how the rest of the world will respond to a superpower increasingly guided by transactional interests rather than shared norms.
Opponents of the referendum write as though rejecting this package will clear the way for a more measured, item by item process of constitutional improvement. But nothing in Bangladesh’s recent history suggests that such a sequence will materialize on its own.
The wording in the referendum question, set out in the four separate categories of reforms, only clearly match with 20 of the 47 numbered proposals set out in the July Charter
Success depends on three commitments that cannot be deferred: Speed. Visible, funded action in year one. Not plans for action. Action. Resources. Specific, budgeted commitments, not proposals
The government and the local authorities must focus on establishing a quickly implementable, balanced and transparent legal framework, not an imaginary policy. Otherwise, this guideline will remain on paper as always, and homeowners and tenants will bear the consequences.
