So the question becomes: If Bangladesh joins the Mecca Pact, which of its immediate security problems will be solved? My answer: Not very many.
The moment may have arrived for Dhaka to turn India’s need for regional legitimacy into an opportunity to reset the relationship on a more balanced and multi-lateral footing.
If autonomy matters only in relation to one great power while compliance with another is rebranded as "technical cooperation," then Bangladesh has not escaped dependency. It has merely changed its address.
If the chair simply remains empty, the summit proceeds, other states advance their interests, India absorbs the symbolism without changing its behaviour, and Bangladesh returns home with little more than domestic applause, then it was not leverage. It was an opportunity lost.
As Hasina professes a desire to return to Dhaka, then both governments should commit to taking steps to allow her to do so. Not as a returning prodigal daughter, but as a fugitive accused and convicted of crimes against humanity.
India says Kashmir is an integral part of its territory. Pakistan says it is an unfinished international dispute. Global powers treat it as a question of regional security. But Kashmiris themselves still do not possess an equal role in determining their political future.
The BJP might be on the backfoot now but the protesting students are aware of how long their struggle to reform education might take.
When chronically online youth took to the streets, they stripped the state’s harshest response of the fear it was meant to inspire.
For many youngsters, political awareness began with doubts, arguments with parents and learning to think for themselves with the help of social media.
Democracy is ultimately sustained not merely by constitutions or institutions but by public trust. Once that trust begins to starve, feeding the body alone is never enough. The institutions themselves must learn to nourish hope before protest becomes the only language left.
The lesson from Bangladesh, Nepal, and now India is not that students have become unusually rebellious. It is that the region's political class has become unusually incapable of seeing them.
Some analysts argue that Hasina may continue to serve as a strategic political asset in India’s Bangladesh policy, reflecting a Kautilyan approach that could be summarised as: “You have China; we have Hasina.”
Hasina has nudged New Delhi to define its position on her extradition and forced the BNP to confront, sooner than it may wish, whether it truly wants her back and, if so, on what terms.
Engagement with China is presented as proof of resistance against Western dominance. Good relations with India become synonymous with regional stability. Foreign policy becomes a performance of political identity rather than a framework for advancing long-term national interests.
It is prudent for the Indian government to appoint H.E. Dinesh Trivedi, a former politician, as the High Commissioner to Bangladesh at a time when relations between the two countries are experiencing turbulence over the ouster of the last government.
56 previous conferences have produced 56 joint records. The 57th record will be written in New Delhi over four days beginning June 8. It will either mark the beginning of a different kind of diplomacy, one in which Bangladesh’s written commitments mean something and India’s violations carry consequences, or it will confirm that the pattern has been accepted as permanent.