![A Ledger of the Soul: Navigating the Allah-Bhagavant Nexus in a 19th-Century Puruṣākāra Jñāna Caupara [Gyan Chauper]](https://counterpointbd.com/uploads/images/202608/image_430x256_6a93baa3b09a7.jpg)
You have to heal those it hurt, reassure those who hurt on its behalf, and do all of this under the watchful eye of a public that has very little forgiveness left in the tank. You are blamed for problems you inherited and applauded cautiously for small, unsexy fixes that don’t photograph well.
In July 2024, when the entire country erupted in protest, when over 1,400 lives were lost, and when Dhaka became a city under siege, RAB did not revert to familiar patterns. They did not conduct midnight raids. They did not trigger mass disappearances. Instead, they acted as a containment force. That contrast is not just noteworthy, it is historic.
If Bangladesh builds an SPR, it must not repeat either failure mode: Not scarcity through neglect, and not expansion without scrutiny. That, finally, is the real argument for a Bangladeshi reserve. Not a monument. Not another expensive ribbon-cutting exercise. A shield.
Seeking a clearer understanding of history does not diminish the legacy of the Liberation War, but honors it more completely. A nation willing to examine its past with honesty shows confidence in its own story.
Even if we develop our state institutions, there is no guarantee that a ‘Legal Autocrat’ or ‘Constitutional Autocrat’ will not appear in future. The stronger the State, the stronger a Constitutional Autocrat is and the more it may exercise power to prey the public. State becomes a Constitutional handle to a Constitutional Dictator or Fascist.
Bangladesh’s political terrain is considerably more rigid. Dynastic narratives continue to exert powerful influence over voter perceptions. The Awami League remains closely associated with the legacy of Sheikh Mujib, while the BNP continues to revolve around the Zia family. In such an environment, new political movements must not only compete with established organizations but also confront deeply embedded historical loyalties.
What appears as playful nonsense often functions as mnemonic residue, compressed narratives of invasion, hunger, gendered sorrow, ecological uncertainty, and communal endurance.
That the stability and sustainability of Bangladesh’s renewed tryst with democracy will depend on how maturely Tarique Rahman deals with the thorny issue of Sheikh Hasina and the Awami League.
The education system of Bangladesh is not merely a ministry. It is one of the largest social systems in the world. Running such a system is not simply a policy challenge. It is an administrative challenge of almost unimaginable scale.
The Rohingya are not “fully dependent” on anyone. They are dependent only to the extent that they have been made dependent -- by design, by policy, and by a system that manages dependency rather than ending it.
The transition from cash to digital is not merely a technological shift; it is an institutional reform. It requires aligning incentives, building trust, and modernizing infrastructure. But the alternative -- continuing cycles of raids, fines, allegations of harassment, and persistent opacity -- offers little hope for sustainable market discipline.
Both the USA and Israel have adopted evasive strategies influenced by various factors, such as diverting attention from the Epstein scandal, preventing Iran from developing a nuclear weapon despite Iran repeatedly denying its intent through negotiations in Geneva, the potential failure of Trump’s MAGA project, and notably, projecting a false sense of control over Iran before Trump’s visit to China to gain bargaining leverage. The length of the conflict will depend on the conflicting attitudes of the USA and Iran’s determination to withstand the war.
Comprehensive reform of the judicial system has emerged as a major national demand.
As the new representatives go about setting up a government (which, the way the cumbersome Nepali system is structured, might be two weeks away in mid-March), it is now time for reflections, analyses and speculation.
Coups are not accidents. They are outcomes of institutional design shaped by fear, mistrust, and the imperative of survival. Bangladesh’s history, from 1975’s cascading coups to 2007’s indirect intervention, shows how the struggle to control the guardians of the state can redefine politics itself.
