As Hasina professes a desire to return to Dhaka, then both governments should commit to taking steps to allow her to do so. Not as a returning prodigal daughter, but as a fugitive accused and convicted of crimes against humanity.
Some analysts argue that Hasina may continue to serve as a strategic political asset in India’s Bangladesh policy, reflecting a Kautilyan approach that could be summarised as: “You have China; we have Hasina.”
Ten years have now passed since his execution. Another ten will pass. Then another. Generations will arrive knowing his name only through history books, political arguments, or fading photographs. Time inevitably erodes public memory.
West Bengal's voters may not have articulated this distinction in theoretical terms. But they felt its weight. The images from Dhaka showed them what the far end of one trajectory looks like.
According to the Finance Minister's statement in parliament, the government has already paid more than 80,000 crore taka and will have to pay another 100,000 crore taka in the future to maintain the Sammilito Islami Bank under the Bank Resolution Ordinance.
That the stability and sustainability of Bangladesh’s renewed tryst with democracy will depend on how maturely Tarique Rahman deals with the thorny issue of Sheikh Hasina and the Awami League.
Bangladesh does not lack visible women, women in campaigns, women in commemorative posters, women seated at consultation tables, women repeatedly invoked in speeches. But visibility without authority is not empowerment; it is performance.
To return to democracy, we endured another undemocratic government after removing one. During this time, there were many human rights violations, many provocations. The people of Bangladesh gritted their teeth and waited for stability.
Your legacy will now be determined not by the years you ruled, but by how you confront the consequences of those years. History punishes arrogance -- but it sometimes honours repentance
While it would be presumptuous to predict a Jamaat victory in the upcoming elections on February 12, the BNP and other secular and liberal democratic parties must acknowledge the emergence of a Third Party with a moderate Islamic agenda that could gain power in the next round of elections in 2031.
After liberation in 1971, the decisions made in those first years shaped the country for decades. The people who rise to state power or prominence in the next few years will define Bangladesh's trajectory for a generation.
This emotional polarity is not irrational -- it is Bangladesh rediscovering its moral compass. It is the people reclaiming ownership of their history, their pride, and their right to choose who deserves their trust: Not through coercion, but through character.
The India-Bangladesh Extradition Treaty allows either country to request extradition with an arrest warrant and a conviction. Procedurally, Bangladesh meets the threshold: Hasina has been convicted and sentenced. On paper, this gives Dhaka a strong case. But extradition is never just about procedure. It hinges on interpretation -- and political will.
In the end, this is not merely about the fate of one leader. It is about whether Bangladesh chooses a future built on due process and political inclusion, or one defined by courtroom theatrics and punitive exclusion. Right now, the scales are tilted dangerously toward the latter.
From five charges to two: The shifting charges in the Hasina trial
The UN response to the Hasina verdict affirmed the moral and factual weight of the case, acknowledged the reality of mass state violence, and confined its criticism to a doctrinal anti-death-penalty stance it applies uniformly in every country.
