The failure of the observer mission to engage with the question of inclusiveness suggests a selective view of the elections
Bangladesh has held many elections since independence in 1971. But few have carried the weight of this week’s vote. Now comes the harder test: Proving that victory does not mean domination.
Sushila Karki was given an impossible task as PM that she has handled with poise and praise
Are you relieved (or disappointed) that Jamaat did not get more seats? Not so fast. This election was a big victory for the party. Those who are disappointed with Jamaat’s result have not yet had their basic lessons in politics.
A democracy matures not when one party wins, but when citizens quietly redraw the boundaries of power. In this election, women redrew those boundaries. The republic now stands on ballots they cast.
Despite a paucity of resources, a showing of 66,000 was very creditable. Even without all their resources, without AL and minority votes, the BNP candidate would likely not have prevailed. This was an encouraging start that provides a strong base for the future.
The winners and losers, and those in between, in the aftermath of the February 12 polls
What did the February 12 elections mean for the future of Bangladesh?
A Yunus presidency could arguably benefit Bangladesh considerably. Despite domestic criticism from certain groups, he continues to command considerable respect internationally, and no other Bangladeshi figure possesses comparable global stature
The new government will need to deal with a range of issues related to transitional justice, to include accountability, truth, healing, and (ultimately) reconciliation.
For all its organizational strength (its cradle-to-grave welfare systems, disciplined cadres, and efficient disaster response), Jamaat serves a problematic end: It is in the service of creating a theocracy from the bottom up.
Banning the AL has led to a vacuum filled by the Jamaat-e-Islami, now the second largest party and arguably stronger and more hopeful than ever about transforming Bangladesh into an Islamic state.
One of the core reasons behind Bangladesh’s political malaise is blind partisan loyalty. The tendency to select candidates based on party identity, factional allegiance, religion, or gender -- rather than competence -- has repeatedly rendered parliament ineffective. The entire nation has paid the price.
Jamaat can only win if this is a wave election, signaling a tectonic shift in the national mood. There is little evidence of this in the polls and available data. It is possible, but not probable.
The question is not whether this election will solve all of Bangladesh’s problems, it will not. The real question is whether it can reopen a democratic pathway that has long been blocked.
Bangladesh’s citizens face a crucial choice: Will they allow the state to bypass constitutional limits, pressure institutions, and control the vote, or will they insist that the Constitution not the government remains the ultimate authority?
